The authors argue that such a strategy is designed to limit the dangers that China's geoeconomic and military power pose to U.S. national interests in Asia and globally, even as the United States and its allies maintain diplomatic and economic interactions with China.
Blackwill and Tellis recommend that Washington do the following:
1.Revitalize the U.S. economy
　　"Nothing would better promote the United States' strategic future and grand strategy toward China than robust economic growth…This must be the first priority of the president and Congress."
2.Strengthen the U.S. military
　　"Congress should remove sequestration caps and substantially increase the U.S. defense budget...Washington should intensify a consistent U.S. naval and air presence in the South and East China Seas," and "accelerate the U.S. ballistic-missile defense posture" in the Pacific.
3.Expand Asian trade networks
　　"U.S. grand strategy toward China will be seriously weakened without delivering on the TPP [Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement]. A major push by the White House for ratification should therefore begin immediately in the new Congress, including seeking trade promotion authority."

4.Create a technology-control regime
　　"Washington should pay increased attention to limiting China's access to advanced weaponry and military critical technologies." The United States should encourage its allies "to develop a coordinated approach to constrict China's access to all technologies, including dual use."
5.Implement effective cyber policies
　　Washington should "impose costs on China that are in excess of the benefits it receives from its violations in cyberspace…increase U.S. offensive cyber capabilities . . . continue improving U.S. cyber defenses," and "pass relevant legislation in Congress, such as the Cyber Information Security Protection Act."
6.Reinforce Indo-Pacific partnerships
　　"The United States cannot defend its interests in Asia without support from its allies," and "should build up the power-political capabilities of its friends and allies on China's periphery."
7.Energize high-level diplomacy with Beijing
　　The United States should work to mitigate tensions with China, and "reassure U.S. allies and friends in Asia and beyond that Washington is doing everything it can to avoid a confrontation with China . . . U.S.-China discourse should be more candid, high-level, and private than is current practice."

背景资料：
　　美国对外关系委员会是美国最知名的领袖外脑之一，它在外交方面的影响力无与伦比，曾经为美国制定了许多对外政策方针并且仍然是这方面的权威。它的成员包括政府、工商界、教育界和新闻界中一批最有影响的人物。美国前总统尼克松、布什，前国务卿基辛格、布热津斯基和万斯都曾是美国对外关系委员会的成员。
该委员会在美国的对外政策上享有很大的权力，甚至可以说，美国的对外政策都是从这
里产生或者经过这里讨论的。突出的事例有：
　　1．主导了对日本使用原子弹的决定，为结束二战写下了重要的一笔。
　　2．设计了美国在战后的系列对外政策。对外关系委员会成员、国务院政策设计委员会主席乔治·凯南于1947年1月提出"遏制"理论，影响很大，可以说冷战政策和遏制战略都是由对外关系委员会提出的；它还为建立北大西洋公约组织的协议奠定了基础；早在1947一1949年期间，对外关系委员会就提出了重建欧洲的计划，"马歇尔计划"由此产生。
　　3．帮助政府摆脱对外关系中的危机。当美国政府处于对外危机中时，该委员会的表现总是令政府和人民满意，比如古巴导弹危机的解决，制订让美国从越南脱身的计划等。
　　4．提出实现美中关系正常化的建议，为改善中美两国的僵局奠定了基础。
　　对外关系委员会出版大量书籍，发表了众多论文，最重要的是它的《外交》杂志，在全世界都被看作是反映美国外交政策的非官方喉舌，几乎美国每项重大政策创议，都是首先在这本刊物的文章中勾画出轮廓。
　　《反思对华大战略》原文长达70页，感兴趣的网友可以在美国对外关系委员会(Concil Foreign Relations)主页上下载。
　　PS：这个可以被看作是翻版的“八千字电报”？

一说起美国对外关系委员会，我就想起了威尔逊与洛奇的外交权之争

老美太猴急了吧，有提用什么手段和方法没？